By George Evgenidis, New Europe
A meeting in Berlin between Jan Hecker – a powerful and influential advisor on EU affairs to German Chancellor Angela Merkel – Eleni Sourani, the director of Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis’ diplomatic office, and Ibrahim Kalin, the influential spokesman who is a close associate of Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, was originally supposed to be an under-the-radar affair.
The meeting occurred just as the German presidency in the European Council announced that one of its key goals will be to find a way to de-escalate rising tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, which now involves nearly all of the region’s main military and economic power brokers as Turkey has taken an increasingly aggressive stance with its neighbours over questions ranging from energy exploration to cultural heritage.
Sourani and Kalin, both fluent in English and aware of the diplomatic protocols, agreed that the meeting should not be disclosed. In fact, the Greek side never informed the Press about Sourani’s trip to the German capital. Turkey’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mevlut Cavusoglu, however, disclosed some of the details about the informal meeting and sparked a new round of fury in Athens.
It is important to note that both Sourani and Kalin were the two points of contact for the facilitation of a recent call between Mitsotakis and Erdogan. The two leaders, whose relationship has been particularly rocky, discussed more mundane topics, including the state of the tourism industry and the effects of the corona-virus pandemic. Erdogan also asked Mitsotakis to back Turkey’s inclusion on the EU’s list of “safe” countries for tourism.
According to reports, Greece was not opposed to the Turks’ request, but no one else in the European Union was eager to simply open their doors to Turkey without further pre-conditions that would address Turkey’s rate of COVID-19 infections.
Greece’s openness to forging a working relationship with Turkey was highlighted in a recent interview that Mitsotakis gave, wherein he stressed the need for an open and direct line of communication between Athens and Ankara…then came Hagia Sophia.
After a ruling by Turkey’s Supreme Court, it took Erdogan less than two hours to sign an executive order for the conversion of the UNESCO-protected museum into a mosque. His decision, and his intention to hold the first prayer in Hagia Sophia on July 24, was not coincidental. The date marks the anniversary of the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, which defined the borders of the modern Turkish Republic after it defeated Greece in the 1919-22 Greco-Turkish War.
Erdogan’s decision to choose July 24 infuriated Athens, with many officials saying they did not see the move coming. Others had predicted that Erdogan might hold off on his threats to turn Hagia Sophia into a mosque. The Greek government called the decision a “historic mistake” that diminishes the cultural significance of a monument that has been declared a world heritage site.
Despite the turmoil, Sourani travelled to Berlin as Athens wanted to send a message that, despite all of the provocations, the line of communication between the two neighbours has to remain open to reduce the tension and to avert a potential “worst-case scenario”. At the same time, diplomatic officials in Athens were preparing Greece’s reaction to the Turkish strategy of ever-growing provocations.
Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias travelled to Brussels on July 13 to participate in the Council of EU Foreign Ministers and asked his colleagues to stand behind Greece and to prepare a catalogue of potential sanctions that could be levied against Turkey should it violate Greece’s sovereign rights in the coming months.
Turkey has previously declared its intention to perform research and drilling operations in a part of the Eastern Mediterranean that is internationally recognised as a Greek maritime zone. The area has, however, been included in a bilateral memorandum of understanding between Turkey and Libya on the delimitation of the maritime zone, which was submitted to the UN in order to gain some semblance of legitimacy.
After the end of the Council, Greece was satisfied by the strong European commitment to finalise a list of potential sanctions that could cover trade, the economy, tourism, and customs.
After the meeting between Hecker, Souranim, and Kalin appeared to have occurred without incident or any media coverage, Cavusoglu, most likely with Erdogan’s approval, made the secret meeting public.
For Athens, the message was clear – Turkey is burning bridges, even though publicly it wants to appear as a bridge-builder, particularly in respect to international law.
Greece is now preparing itself for every possible scenario. Mitsotakis has discussed the matter with several of his colleagues, but especially relying on his understanding with France’s Emmanuel Macron, with whom he was supposed to meet at the European Council in Brussels. Paris is one of the few European capitals with such a clear stance against Turkey’s actions. As such, Greece is expecting to have France clear support in an effort to create a European shield against Turkey’s provocations.
